WARNING: This is pro-slavery, pro-white supremacist propaganda. This is useful for historical understanding, but this is not wisdom–this is evil.

page 56 | Location 714-716 |
Slavery is merely one development of a general system of human oppression, for which we have no comprehensive term in English, but which the French Socialists denominate exploitation—the abstraction, directly or indirectly, from the working classes of the fruits of their labor.

page 58 | Location 727-728 |
We are, to that extent, her slaves,—”slaves without masters;” for she commands and enjoys our labor, and is under none of the obligations of a master—to protect, defend and provide for us.

page 59 | Location 732-734 |
As in society, the skillful and professional tax or exploitate the common laborer, by exchanging one hour of their light labor for many of the common workingman’s hard labor; as lawyers, doctors, merchants and mechanics deal with day laborers, so England and New England treat us of the South.

page 60 | Location 739-739 |
Labor, not skill, is the just and equitable measure of values.

Your Note on page 60 | Location 744 |
uhh, you’ve reached your goal buddy

page 60 | Location 744-744 |
We should become exploitators, instead of being exploitated.

page 62 | Location 755-759 |
No successful defence of slavery can be made, till we succeed in refuting or invalidating the principles on which free society rests for support or defence. The world, however, is sick of its philosophy; and the Socialists have left it not a leg to stand on. In fact, it is, in all its ramifications, a mere expansion and application of Political Economy,—and Political Economy may be summed-up in the phrase, “Laissez-faire,” or “Let alone.” A system of unmitigated selfishness pervades and distinguishes all departments of ethical, political, and economic science.

page 62 | Location 755-764 |
No successful defence of slavery can be made, till we succeed in refuting or invalidating the principles on which free society rests for support or defence. The world, however, is sick of its philosophy; and the Socialists have left it not a leg to stand on. In fact, it is, in all its ramifications, a mere expansion and application of Political Economy,—and Political Economy may be summed-up in the phrase, “Laissez-faire,” or “Let alone.” A system of unmitigated selfishness pervades and distinguishes all departments of ethical, political, and economic science. The philosophy is partially true, because selfishness, as a rule of action and guide of conduct, is necessary to the existence of man, and of all other animals. But it should not be, with man especially, the only rule and guide; for he is, by nature, eminently social and gregarious. His wants, his weakness, his appetites, his affections, compel him to look without, and beyond self, in order to sustain self. The eagle and the owl, the lion and the tiger, are not gregarious, but solitary and self-supporting. They practice political economy, because ’tis adapted to their natures. But men and beavers, herds, bees, and ants, require a different philosophy, another guide of conduct. The Bible, (independent of its authority,) is far man’s best guide, even in this world. Next to it, we would place Aristotle.

page 65 | Location 780-783 |
A Moral Pathology, which feels its way in life, and adapts itself to circumstances, as they present themselves, is the nearest approach to philosophy, which it is either safe or wise to attempt. All the rest must be left to Religion, to Faith, and to Providence. This inadequacy of philosophy has, in all ages and nations, driven men to lean on religious faith for support.

page 67 | Location 799-801 |
“I now repeat this confession, still more emphatically, since the more I read, the more I meditate, and the more I acquire, the more I am enabled to affirm, that I know nothing.”

page 70 | Location 828-830 |
The tendency of all this is to transfer all wealth to London, New York and Paris, and reduce the civilization of Christendom to a miserable copy of French civilization, itself an indifferent copy of Roman civilization, which was an imitation, but a falling off from that of Greece.

page 70 | Location 828-835 |
The tendency of all this is to transfer all wealth to London, New York and Paris, and reduce the civilization of Christendom to a miserable copy of French civilization, itself an indifferent copy of Roman civilization, which was an imitation, but a falling off from that of Greece. We pay millions monthly for French silks, French wines, French brandy, and French trinkets, although we can and do make as comfortable articles for dress, and as good liquors, at home. But we despise ourselves, and admire the French, and give four hours of American labor for one of French labor, just to be in the fashion. And what is our fashion? To treat whatever is American with contempt. People who thus act are in a fair way to deserve and meet with from others, that contempt which they feel for themselves. The little States of Greece each had its dialect, and cultivated it, and took pride in it. Now, dialects are vulgar and provincial.

page 72 | Location 841-847 |
The South feels the truth of all this, and after a while will begin to understand it. She has been for years earnestly and actively engaged in promoting the exclusive and protective policy, and preaching free trade, non-interference of government and ‘let alone.’ But she does not let alone. She builds roads and canals, encourages education, endows schools and colleges, improves river navigation, excludes, or taxes heavily foreign show-men, foreign pedlars, sellers of clocks, &c.; tries to build up by legislation Southern commerce, and by State legislation to multiply and encourage industrial pursuits. Protection by the State Government is her established policy—and that is the only expedient or constitutional protection. It is time for her to avow her change of policy and opinion, and to throw Adam Smith, Say, Ricardo & Co., in the fire.

page 73 | Location 858-860 |
Nature is never at a loss, and is the only reliable dancing master and grammar teacher. She is always graceful and appropriate, and always ready to adapt herself to changes of time, situation and circumstances.

page 76 | Location 888-888 |
With the age of Cervantes, Spanish genius expired.

page 77 | Location 897-898 |
To secure true progress, we must unfetter genius, and chain down mediocrity. Liberty for the few—Slavery, in every form, for the mass!

page 79 | Location 910-911 |
Study the past, but be careful not to copy it, and never travel abroad until age has matured your love and respect for your native land.

page 80 | Location 918-920 |

Mobs, secret associations, insurance companies, and social and communistic experiments, are striking features and characteristics of our day, outside of slave society. They are all attempting to supply the defects of regular governments, which have carried the “Let alone” practice so far, that one-third of mankind are let alone to indulge in such criminal immoralities as they please, and another third to starve.

Your Note on page 81 | Location 927 |
book

page 81 | Location 926-927 |
Nehemiah Adams has a similar thought in his admirable work, “A Southside View of Slavery,”

page 81 | Location 929-931 |
Slavery is an indispensable police institution;—especially so, to check the cruelty and tyranny of vicious and depraved husbands and parents. Husbands and parents have, in theory and practice, a power over their subjects more despotic than kings; and the ignorant and vicious exercise

page 81 | Location 929-933 |
Slavery is an indispensable police institution;—especially so, to check the cruelty and tyranny of vicious and depraved husbands and parents. Husbands and parents have, in theory and practice, a power over their subjects more despotic than kings; and the ignorant and vicious exercise their power more oppressively than kings. Every man is not fit to be king, yet all must have wives and children. Put a master over them to check their power, and we need not resort to the unnatural remedies of woman’s rights, limited marriages, voluntary divorces, and free love, as proposed by the abolitionists.

page 85 | Location 973-977 |
We conclude that about nineteen out of every twenty individuals have “a natural and inalienable right” to be taken care of and protected; to have guardians, trustees, husbands, or masters; in other words, they have a natural and inalienable right to be slaves. The one in twenty are as clearly born or educated, or some way fitted for command and liberty. Not to make them rulers or masters, is as great a violation of natural right, as not to make slaves of the mass.

Your Note on page 88 | Location 996 |
ORLY?

page 87 | Location 995-996 |
This is one reason why there is more faith, less infidelity, at the South, than at the North.

page 89 | Location 1002-1003 |
There is no such thing as natural human liberty, because it is unnatural for man to live alone and without the pale and government of society.

Your Note on page 91 | Location 1018 |
orly?

page 91 | Location 1018-1018 |
the almost universal, and we may thence infer, natural and normal condition of civilized man.

Your Note on page 93 | Location 1041 |
PALEY:

page 93 | Location 1039-1041 |
In every kind and degree of union and intercourse with his species, it is possible that the liberty of the individual may be augmented by the very laws which restrain it; because he may gain more from the limitation of other men’s freedom than he suffers by the diminution of his own.

Your Note on page 95 | Location 1062 |
MONTESQUIEU:

page 95 | Location 1061-1063 |
Liberty is a right of doing whatever the laws permit; and if a citizen could do what they forbid, he would no longer be possessed of liberty, because all his fellow citizens would have the same power.”

page 96 | Location 1076-1079 |
laws themselves, whether made with or without our consent, if they regulate and constrain our conduct in matters of mere indifference, without any good end in view, are regulations destructive of liberty; whereas, if any public advantage can arise from observing such precepts, the control of our private inclinations, in one or two particular points, will conduce to preserve our general freedom in others of more importance, by supporting that state of society which can alone secure our independence.

page 98 | Location 1102-1103 |
Government pre-supposes that liberty is surrendered as the price of security. The degree of government must depend on the moral and intellectual condition of those to be governed.

Your Note on page 99 | Location 1111 |
orly?

page 99 | Location 1109-1111 |
There can be no liberty where there is government; but there may be security for good government. This the slave has in the selfish interest of the master and in his domestic affection. The free laborer has no such securities. It is the interest of employers to kill them off as fast as possible; and they never fail to do it.

page 100 | Location 1113-1114 |
Liberty is unattainable; and if attainable, not desirable.

page 100 | Location 1115-1116 |
For five hundred years the poor laws have confined the poor to their parishes, denied them the right to bargain for their own wages, and as late as 1725, set them up in stalls and shambles for hire, like cattle.

page 100 | Location 1118-1120 |
This right of locomotion, of choosing or changing their domicil, is not only denied to the mass of the poor, but in all countries as well as in England, to wives, to children, to wards, apprentices, soldiers, sailors, convicts, lunatics and idiots.

page 101 | Location 1127-1129 |
It is remarkable at first view, that in Cuba, where the law attempts to secure mild treatment to the slave, he is inhumanly treated; and in Virginia, where there is scarce any law to protect him, he is very humanely governed and provided for.

Your Note on page 104 | Location 1158 |
orly?

page 104 | Location 1157-1158 |
It does often happen that the obligations of the master are more onerous than those of the slave.

Your Note on page 105 | Location 1166 |
orly?

page 105 | Location 1164-1166 |
the slaves of the South, in their houses, gardens, fruit, vegetables, pigs and fowls, hold more property than the peasantry of Europe, and are far better secured in its possession by their masters, than that peasantry is by the law.

Your Note on page 105 | Location 1167 |
is this an admission that the southern states were uncivilized?

page 105 | Location 1167-1167 |
In no civilized country has the master the right to kill his slave.

page 106 | Location 1174-1177 |
Democracy and liberty are antagonistic; for liberty permits and encourages the weak to oppress the strong, whilst democracy proposes, so far as possible, to equalize advantages, by fairly dividing the burdens of life, and rigidly enforcing the performance of every social duty by every member of society, according to his capacity and ability.

page 108 | Location 1192-1192 |
We, aided by the Socialists,

page 110 | Location 1201-1204 |
We call into court Horace Greely, Wm. Goodell, Gerrit Smith, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, and Stephen Pearle Andrews, and propose to prove by them (the actual leaders and faithful exponents of abolition,) that their object, and that of their entire party, is not only to abolish Southern slavery, but to abolish also, or greatly to modify, the relations of husband and wife, parent and child, the institution of private property of all kinds, but especially separate ownership of lands, and the institution of Christian churches as now existing in America.

page 111 | Location 1208-1209 |
We have no doubt of their sincere philanthropy, and as little doubt, that they are only “paving hell with good intentions.”

page 111 | Location 1210-1213 |
Lord Byron: Why, My good old friend, for such I deem you, Though our different parties make us fight so shy, I ne’er mistake you for a personal foe; Our difference is political, and I Trust that whatever may occur, You know my great respect for you, and this Makes me regret whatever you do amiss.

page 113 | Location 1231-1231 |
Christian socialist,

Your Note on page 119 | Location 1293 |
orly?

page 119 | Location 1291-1293 |
To us, it occurs that a large capital can only be safely invested in slaves and hands, if the owner wishes to be sure that it shall not be used as an engine of oppression, or as a persuasive to idleness and dissipation.

page 122 | Location 1320-1320 |
pure and perfect Communism.

page 122 | Location 1324-1324 |
the great Organ of Socialism, of Free Love,

page 123 | Location 1334-1337 |
The popularity of the Tribune shews that the world is prepared to upset existing social systems. When that is done, it will have to choose between Free Love and Slavery; between more of government and no government. We think, like Carlyle, more of government is needed.

page 124 | Location 1344-1346 |
We know less of Mr. Garrison than of either of the other gentlemen. He heads the extreme wing of the Socialist, Infidel, Woman’s-Right, Agrarian and Abolition party, who are called Garrisonians.

page 124 | Location 1344-1348 |
We know less of Mr. Garrison than of either of the other gentlemen. He heads the extreme wing of the Socialist, Infidel, Woman’s-Right, Agrarian and Abolition party, who are called Garrisonians. He edits the Liberator, which is conducted with an ability worthy of a better cause. He and his followers seem to admit that the Bible and the Constitution recognize and guarantee Slavery, and therefore denounce both, and propose disunion and no priests or churches, as measures to attain abolition.

page 126 | Location 1357-1358 |
These Garrisonians are as intellectual men as any in the nation. They lead the Black Republican party, and control the politicians.

Your Note on page 127 | Location 1368 |
orly?

page 127 | Location 1367-1368 |
none of these worse than Cassandra vaticinations—why none of this panic, terror, confusion and flight, in Slave Society? Are we suffering, and yet contented? Is

Your Note on page 127 | Location 1368 |
orly?

page 127 | Location 1367-1368 |
none of these worse than Cassandra vaticinations—why none of this panic, terror, confusion and flight, in Slave Society? Are we suffering, and yet contented?

Your Note on page 127 | Location 1369 |
orly?

page 127 | Location 1369-1369 |
and never will fall;

page 127 | Location 1370-1371 |
the North has as much to apprehend from abolition as the South, and that it is time for conservatives every where to unite in efforts to suppress and extinguish it?

page 129 | Location 1387-1387 |
infidels,

page 129 | Location 1389-1391 |
They belong to the schools of Owen, Louis Blanc, Fourier, Comte, and the German and French Socialists and Communists. The other wing, and probably the most numerous wing of the party, is composed of the Millenial Christians—men who expect Christ, either in the flesh or in the spirit, soon to reign on earth;

Your Note on page 131 | Location 1410 |
PHILLIPS

page 131 | Location 1409-1410 |
so long as the actual government is on the side of slavery, the bloodless abolition of slavery is impracticable.”

page 132 | Location 1422-1423 |
The Proletariat of France, the nomadic pauper banditti of England, the starving tenantry of Ireland, the Lazzaroni of Italy, and the half-savages of Hayti, are the admitted results of practical abolition.

page 132 | Location 1425-1425 |

“experimentum in vile corpus.”

page 137 | Location 1475-1476 |

every theoretical abolitionist at the North is a Socialist or Communist, and proposes or approves radical changes in the organization of society.

page 142 | Location 1523-1524 |

Thirty thousand men own the lands of England, three thousand those of Scotland, and fewer still those of Ireland. The great mass of the people are cut off from the soil, have no certain means of subsistence, and are trespassers upon the earth,

page 142 | Location 1522-1525 |

Such is English liberty for the masses. Thirty thousand men own the lands of England, three thousand those of Scotland, and fewer still those of Ireland. The great mass of the people are cut off from the soil, have no certain means of subsistence, and are trespassers upon the earth, without a single valuable or available right.

page 142 | Location 1523-1525 |

Your Note on page 142 | Location 1527 |

orly?

page 142 | Location 1526-1527 |

All writers agree there were no beggars or paupers in England until the liberation of the serfs; and moreover admit that slaves, in all ages and in all countries, have had all their physical wants sufficiently supplied.

page 143 | Location 1535-1536 |

As slaves, they were loved and protected; as pretended freemen, they were execrated and persecuted.

page 144 | Location 1540-1541 |

The Poor Laws, from the time of Edward the Third to that of Elizabeth, were laws to punish the poor, and to keep them at work for low wages. Not till late in the reign of Elizabeth, was any charitable provision made for them.

page 144 | Location 1547-1547 |

origin of the English Poor Laws,

page 147 | Location 1577-1581 |

The first set of laws were barbarous and unskillful, and their failure is evident from their constant re-enactment or amendment; with different provisions and severer penalties. The second set had a different fate—they ultimately succeeded, in many districts, in giving to the laborer and to his family the security of servitude. They succeeded in relieving him and those who, in a state of real freedom, would have been dependent on him, from many of the penalties imposed by nature on idleness, improvidence, and misconduct.

page 148 | Location 1585-1586 |

beginning by the statute of laborers, 23d Edward III., (1349,) and ending by the 39th Eliz. cap. 4, (1597,)

page 149 | Location 1596-1600 |

prices are fixed for their labor; and punishments awarded against the laborer who receives more, and the master who gives more. Persons who have been employed in husbandry until twelve years of age, are prohibited from becoming artisans. Able-bodied beggars are to be treated as laborers wandering without passports. Impotent beggars are to remain where they are at the time of the proclamation of the act; or, if those places are unwilling or unable to support them, they are, within forty days, to repair to the places where they were born, and there dwell during their lives.

page 159 | Location 1724-1726 |

The ablest minds saw, as well in England as in France, that in transferring the reins of government from the hands of hereditary royalty and nobility, to those of the capitalist class, that the people had exchanged a few masters for thousands of extortioners.

page 160 | Location 1727-1728 |

in America, our Northern folks affected a disease, which they did not feel, just as Alexander’s courtiers aped his wry neck; and anti-rentism and land monopoly became the constant theme of conversation, lectures, speeches, books and essays.

page 162 | Location 1747-1747 |

The History of the Working Classes, by Robert du Var,

page 164 | Location 1776-1776 |

The trading classes (la bourgeoisie)

page 169 | Location 1832-1834 |

in this case the people of Ireland believe, to my certain knowledge, that it is only by these acts of vengeance, periodically committed, that they can hold in suspense the arm of the proprietor and the agent, who, in too many cases, if he dared, would exterminate them.”

Your Note on page 170 | Location 1839 |

KAY

page 170 | Location 1838-1839 |

Once a peasant in England, and a man cannot hope that he himself, or his children, will ever be anything better, than a mere laborer for weekly hire.

Your Note on page 170 | Location 1843 |

this was true throughout the feudal years and probably largely true since the formation of states

page 170 | Location 1842-1843 |

interest between himself and the higher ranks of society;

page 170 | Location 1846-1848 |

“In the year 1770, there were, it is said, in England alone, 250,000 freehold estates in the hands of 250,000 different families. In the year 1815, at the close of the revolutionary war, the whole of the lands of England were concentrated in the hands of only 32,000 proprietors.”

page 174 | Location 1884-1884 |

the days before the Flood?

page 177 | Location 1937-1939 |

Wise men know that there is too much of complexity in the tangled web of human affairs, to justify the attempt at once to practice and philosophise, to act and to reason. Fools and philosophers too often mar the good works of such men, by pretending to see clearly, and to define accurately, the principles of action which have led to those works.

page 178 | Location 1946-1948 |

Popes and cardinals are not infallible, but society is. Its harmony is its health; and to differ with it is heresy or treason, because social discord inflicts individual misery; and what disturbs and disarranges society, impairs the happiness and well-being of its members.

page 178 | Location 1948-1950 |

the maxim—Salus populi, est suprema lex. The Puritans, in the early days of New England, acted it out; and if they hung a few troublesome old women, the good that they achieved was more than compensated for by any errors they may have committed.

page 178 | Location 1950-1951 |

Liberty of the press, liberty of speech, freedom of religion, or rather freedom from religion, and the unlimited right of private judgment, have borne no good fruits, and many bad ones.

page 179 | Location 1953-1955 |

Society has the right, and is in duty bound, to take care of itself; and when public opinion becomes powerless, law should intervene, and punish all acts, words, or opinions, which have become criminal by becoming dangerous or injurious.

page 179 | Location 1958-1960 |

the right of private judgment, liberty of speech, freedom of the press and of religion. These boasted privileges have become far more dangerous to the lives, the property and the peace of the people of this Union, than all the robbers and murderers and malefactors put together.

page 180 | Location 1963-1965 |

Bees and herds perform their evolutions with too much rapidity and precision, to leave any doubt but that one mind and one feeling, either from within or without, directs their movements. The great error of modern philosophy is the ignorance or forgetfulness of this fact.

Your Note on page 180 | Location 1965 |

orly?? “fact”

page 180 | Location 1963-1965 |

page 180 | Location 1967-1971 |

Human equality, the social contract, the let-alone and selfish doctrines of political economy, universal liberty, freedom of speech, of the press, and of religion, spring directly from this doctrine, or are only new modes of expressing it. Agrarianism, Free Love, and No Government, are its logical sequences: for the right to judge for ourself implies the right to act upon our judgments, and that can never be done in a world where the private appropriation of all capital, and the interference of government, restricts our free agency, and paralyzes our action on all sides.

page 181 | Location 1974-1976 |

Our Revolution, so wise in its conception and so glorious in its execution, was the mere assertion by adults of the rights of adults, and had nothing more to do with philosophy than the weaning of a calf. It was the act of a people seeking national independence, not the Utopian scheme of speculative philosophers, seeking to establish human equality and social perfection.

page 181 | Location 1979-1980 |

our laws and government are either old Anglo-Saxon prescriptive arrangements, or else the gradual accretions of time, circumstance and necessity.

page 181 | Location 1979-1982 |

our laws and government are either old Anglo-Saxon prescriptive arrangements, or else the gradual accretions of time, circumstance and necessity. Throw our paper platforms, preambles and resolutions, guaranties and constitutions, into the fire, and we should be none the worse off, provided we retained our institutions—and the necessities that begat, and have, so far, continued them.

Your Note on page 181 | Location 1979 |

page 182 | Location 1984-1985 |

The South is governed by the necessity of keeping its negroes in order, which preserves a healthy conservative public opinion.

page 183 | Location 1991-1993 |

All platforms, resolutions, bills of rights and constitutions, are true in the particular, false in the general. Hence all legislation should be repealable, and those instruments are but laws. Fundamental principles, or the higher law, are secrets of nature which God keeps to himself.

page 183 | Location 1996-1997 |

Moses, and Lycurgus, and Solon, and Numa, built their institutions to last, enjoined it on the people never to change them, and threw around them the sanctity of religion, to ward off the sacrilegious hand of future innovation.

page 184 | Location 2001-2003 |

We may be doing Mr. Jefferson injustice, in assuming that his “fundamental principles” and Mr. Seward’s “higher law,” mean the same thing; but the injustice can be very little, as they both mean just nothing at all, unless it be a determination to inaugurate anarchy, and to do all sorts of mischief.

Your Note on page 184 | Location 2004 |

interesting to note a clear example of benda’s intellectual treason in fitzhugh… he despises the philosopher as a philosopher in deference to the practical

page 184 | Location 2004-2004 |

further dissertation

page 184 | Location 2006-2008 |

The true greatness of Mr. Jefferson was his fitness for revolution. He was the genius of innovation, the architect of ruin, the inaugurator of anarchy. His mission was to pull down, not to build up. He thought everything false as well in the physical, as in the moral world.

page 185 | Location 2015-2016 |

We are the friend of popular government, but only so long as conservatism is the interest of the governing class.

page 187 | Location 2022-2026 |

Under various names, such as Proletariat in France, Lazzaroni in Italy, Leperos in Mexico, and Gypsies throughout all Europe, free society is disturbed and rendered insecure, by the class, a description of which we shall draw from the British writers. We do not hesitate to assign to the Gypsies the same origin with the rest. They are all the outgrowth of runaway and emancipated serfs. The time of the appearance of the Gypsies is coeval with the universal liberation and escape of the villeins.

page 187 | Location 2022-2027 |

page 192 | Location 2080-2080 |

Lurkers.

page 204 | Location 2223-2223 |

factory child

page 205 | Location 2232-2232 |

“Glory and Shame of England,”

page 206 | Location 2235-2237 |

National Dirge. It is the maddening cry of hunger for employment and bread, and more resembles the howl of the wolves of the Pyrennes, as they start in quest of prey, than the Anthem of Liberty. It truly represents, embodies and personifies the great Socialistic movement of the day.

page 207 | Location 2248-2253 |

“Hitherto the comfortable classes have virtually answered the bitter complaints of the uncomfortable classes in some such terms as these: ‘Poor people! we are very sorry for your suffering—we really feel for you—take this trifle—it will be some relief. We wish we could do more;—and now pray be quiet—don’t distress us with your writhings and agonies—resign yourselves to the will of Providence, and bear hunger and cold in peace and seclusion;—above all, attempt no violence, or we must use violence to keep you quiet.’ The answer of the uncomfortable classes to such admonitions, day by day becoming more unmistakable, is: ‘Relieve us, relieve us! Make us comfortable, or show us how we may make ourselves comfortable: otherwise we must make you uncomfortable. We will be comfortable or uncomfortable together.’

page 208 | Location 2259-2265 |

THE SONG OF THE SHIRT. “With fingers weary and worn, With eyelids heavy and red, A woman sat, in unwomanly rags, Plying her needle and thread. Stitch—stitch—stitch! In poverty, hunger, and dirt; And still, with a voice of dolorous pitch, She sang the ‘Song of the Shirt!’ “Work—work—work! While the cock is crowing aloof! And work—work—work! Till the stars shine through the roof! It’s O! to be a slave, Along with the barbarous Turk, Where woman has never a soul to save, If this is Christian work!

page 211 | Location 2292-2292 |

SLAVERY. THE ONLY REMEDY FOR THE MISERIES OF THE ENGLISH POOR. BY A PHILANTHROPIST.

page 211 | Location 2294-2294 |

beau ideal

page 213 | Location 2317-2318 |

I have seen the father snatch the bread from his child, and the mother offer the gin-bottle for the breast.

page 214 | Location 2327-2330 |

In politics, I found no means of relief. The struggle there was for the preponderance in power, and the reply, “Help us to get into power, and then we will see what we can do.” The utmost was to institute inquiries; and from the information thus gathered, has been collected a record of misery, such as never was before displayed.

page 215 | Location 2338-2339 |

slavery and content, and liberty and discontent, are natural results of each other.

page 215 | Location 2339-2341 |

the only way to permanently and efficiently remedy the complicated evils, would be to ENSLAVE the whole of the people of England who have not property.

page 216 | Location 2343-2344 |

The first great advantage would be, that the lower classes of society would be placed on an equality with the domestic animals; and by becoming property, become valuable and valued.

page 216 | Location 2349-2350 |

Entire and complete slavery of the poor would put an end to all the discussions of their rights, and clearly and definitely work out the relative duties of all classes.

Your Note on page 219 | Location 2367 |

orly?

page 219 | Location 2366-2367 |

the white laborers of England receive more blows than are inflicted on Southern slaves.

Your Note on page 219 | Location 2372 |

orly? … virginia

page 219 | Location 2372-2372 |

No man in the South, we are sure, ever bred slaves for sale.

page 223 | Location 2380-2381 |

Yankees and Englishmen kill their wives annually, yet it has not occurred to Englishmen at all, and not to the Yankee till very lately, to abolish the marriage relation.

page 223 | Location 2392-2394 |

“It is necessary,” says Aristotle, in his celebrated justification of slavery, “that those who cannot exist separately should live together. he who is capable of foreseeing by his intellect, is naturally a master; he who is able to execute with his body what another contrives, is naturally a slave: wherefore the interest of the master and slave is one.”

page 226 | Location 2419-2423 |

Mr. Featherstonhaugh, in his Travels in the Slave States of North America, relates that Mr. Madison, the ex-President, informed him that he had once assembled all his numerous slaves, and offered to manumit them immediately; “but they instantly declined it, alleging that they had been born on his estate, had always been provided for by him with raiment and food, in sickness and in health, and, if they were made free, they would have no home to go to, and no friend to protect and care for them. They preferred, therefore, to live and die as his slaves, who had always been a kind master to them.”

Your Note on page 226 | Location 2427 |

orly? see f douglass

page 226 | Location 2427-2427 |

There is none of the loss or damage which arises from the drunkenness and improvidence of the free laborer expending his own wages.

page 227 | Location 2438-2442 |

although it is true that all hope of future improvement, in respect of his physical condition, is denied to the slave, yet it must be admitted, that practically, and looking to the actual generation, the absence of a power of rising in the world is no severe privation to a peasant class. Neither in England among the agricultural laborers, nor in the Continental States among the small proprietors, are there many instances of a person quitting the condition in which he is born.

page 235 | Location 2525-2527 |

instances occur in which children are taken into these mines to work as early as four years of age, sometimes at five, not unfrequently between six and seven, and often from seven to eight, while from eight to nine is the ordinary age at which their employment commences…. That

page 235 | Location 2525-2527 |

page 235 | Location 2533-2535 |

many of them never see the light of day for weeks together during the greater part of the winter season, excepting on those days in the week when work is not going on, and on the Sundays.

page 236 | Location 2543-2545 |

when the work-people are in full employment, the regular hours of work for children and young persons are rarely less than eleven; more often they are twelve; in some districts they are thirteen; and in one district they are generally fourteen and upwards.

page 243 | Location 2645-2649 |

Calico-Printing.—This employs a vast number of children of both sexes, who have to mix and grind the colors for the adult work-people, and are commonly called teerers. They begin to work, according to the Report, sometimes before five years of age, often between five and six, and generally before nine. The usual hours of labor are twelve, including meal-time; but as the children generally work the same time as the adults, “it is by no means uncommon in all the districts for children of five or six years old to be kept at work fourteen and even sixteen hours consecutively.”—(Second Report, p. 59.)

page 245 | Location 2662-2664 |

parents without hesitation sacrifice the future welfare of their children through life for the immediate advantage or gratification obtained by the additional pittance derived from the child’s earnings, and that they imagine, or pretend, that they do not neglect their children’s education if they send them to Sunday-schools.”

page 245 | Location 2667-2668 |

in pin-making, as carried on at Warrington, both boys and girls commence when five years old, and work twelve hours a-day, and sometimes, though rarely, even more.

page 246 | Location 2682-2686 |

In the smaller and dirtier streets of the town, in which the poorest of the working classes reside, ‘there are narrow passages, at intervals of every eight or ten houses, and sometimes at every third or fourth house. These narrow passages are also the general gutter, which is by no means always confined to one side, but often streaming all over the passage. Having made your way through the passage, you find yourself in a space varying in size with the number of houses, hutches, or hovels it contains. They are nearly all proportionately crowded. Out of this space there are other narrow passages, sometimes leading to other similar hovels.

page 248 | Location 2710-2711 |

The inhalation of the dust of the grindstone and of the steel of the knife, or whatever he may be grinding, is so pernicious, that the life of a dry grinder scarcely averages thirty-five years,

page 249 | Location 2715-2721 |

Dust flues, in the state of perfection to which they have now been brought, appear to be capable of greatly diminishing if not of entirely obviating the evil. The Sheffield grinders cannot, however, be induced to avail themselves of this security; they know that they are doomed to an early death, yet they are absolutely unwilling that the evil to which they are exposed should in any degree be lessened: they regard every precaution to prolong life with jealousy, as a means of increasing the supply of labor and lowering wages; they are for ‘a short life and a merry one,’ and hence, even when the masters are at the expense of erecting the apparatus, these men refuse to use it, and even frequently kick it down and break it under their feet.'”—(Ibid. Evidence.) As to the moral state of this class of

page 249 | Location 2715-2720 |

page 251 | Location 2752-2754 |

Lace-Making.—In this occupation it is proved, by unquestionable evidence, that it is customary for children to begin to work at the age of four, five, and six years; and instances were found in which a child only two years old was set to work by the side of its mother. The work is of course very slight, but is trying to the eyes.

page 256 | Location 2808-2811 |

In some of what are considered the best regulated establishments, during the fashionable season, occupying about four months in the year, the regular hours of work are fifteen, but on emergencies, which frequently recur, these hours extend to eighteen. In many establishments the hours of work, during the season, are unlimited, the young women never getting more than six, often not more than four, sometimes only three, and occasionally not more than two hours for rest and sleep out of the twenty-four; and very frequently they work all night.

page 256 | Location 2820-2823 |

if there is a drawing-room, or grand fête, or mourning to be made, it often happens that the work goes on for twenty hours out of the twenty-four, occasionally all night. Every season in at least half the houses of business, it happens that the young persons occasionally work twenty hours out of the twenty-four, twice or thrice a-week. On special occasions, such as drawing-rooms, general mournings, and very frequently wedding orders, it is not uncommon to work all night;

page 260 | Location 2879-2881 |

British liberty, we shall show in another chapter, means the unlimited right of the property class to oppress the laboring class, uncoupled with the obligation to provide for them.

Your Note on page 261 | Location 2888 |

hence those tears

page 261 | Location 2888-2888 |

Hinc illæ lachrymæ!

page 263 | Location 2897-2899 |

A mere verbal formula often distinguishes a truism from a paradox. “It is the duty of society to protect the weak;” but protection cannot be efficient without the power of control; therefore, “It is the duty of society to enslave the weak.” And it is a duty which no organized and civilized society ever failed to perform.

page 263 | Location 2904-2905 |

there can be no efficient protection without enslavement of some sort.

page 264 | Location 2906-2907 |

Public and private charity is a fund created by the labor of the industrious poor, and too often bestowed on the idle or improvident. It is apt to aggravate the evils which it intends to cure.

page 266 | Location 2925-2926 |

First domestic slavery, next religious institutions, then separate property, then political government, and, finally, family government and family relations, are to be swept away.

page 266 | Location 2925-2928 |

First domestic slavery, next religious institutions, then separate property, then political government, and, finally, family government and family relations, are to be swept away. This is the distinctly avowed programme of all able abolitionists and socialists: and towards this end the doctrines and the practices of the weakest and most timid among them tend.

page 267 | Location 2934-2935 |

The Christian socialists are beautifully and energetically co-laborating with the infidel socialists and abolitionists to bring about this millenium.

page 267 | Location 2938-2940 |

We like the Northern socialist theoretical abolitionists—read their speeches, essays, lectures and books, because they agree with us, that their own form of society is a humbug and a failure; and in their efforts, speculations and schemes to re-organize it, afford the most beautiful, perfect and complete specimen of the reductio ad absurdum.

page 270 | Location 2963-2965 |

We are the enthusiastic admirer of the social relations exhibited in the histories of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. The social relations established in Deuteronomy, and 25th chapter Leviticus, and as practiced by the Jews to this day, elicit our unfeigned admiration and approval.

Your Note on page 270 | Location 2968 |

conquest? you mean like … slavery?

page 270 | Location 2967-2968 |

As conquest and commerce introduced wealth and corrupted morals and manners, the family was corrupted and disrupted, as it is now, at the most commercial points in the North.

Your Note on page 270 | Location 2969 |

sulla?

page 270 | Location 2969-2969 |

Sylla

page 270 | Location 2970-2973 |

From that era till slavery arose in the South, the family never resumed its dignity and importance. Feudalism did something to correct the loose morality of the Augustan Age, but it adopted its colonial slavery, relaxed family ties, and never drew together in sufficiently close connection and subordination, the materials which nature dictates should form the human hive or social circle.

page 272 | Location 2981-2983 |

We wish to prove that the great movement in society, known under various names, as Communism, Socialism, Abolitionism, Red Republicanism and Black Republicanism, has one common object: the breaking up of all law and government, and the inauguration of anarchy, and that the destruction of the family is one of the means in which they all concur to attain a common end.

Your Note on page 274 | Location 3004 |

ANDREWS

page 273 | Location 2997-3004 |

The scattered rays of the gray dawn of the new era date back, indeed, beyond the lifetime of the present generation. The first streak of light that streamed through the dense darkness of the old regime was the declaration by Martin Luther of the right of private judgment in matters of conscience. The next, which shed terror upon the old world, as a new portent of impending revolutions, was the denial, by Hampden, Sidney, Cromwell, and others, of the divine right of kings, and the assertion of inherent political rights in the people themselves. This was followed by the American Declaration of Independence, the establishment of a powerful Democratic Republic in the western world upon the basis of that principle, followed by the French Revolution, the Reign of Terror, the Re-action, and the apparent death in Europe of the Democratic idea. Finally, in our day, comes the red glare of French Socialism, at which the world is still gazing with uncertainty whether it be some lurid and meteoric omen of fearful events, or whether it be not the actual rising of the Sun of Righteousness, with healing in His wings;

Your Note on page 275 | Location 3013 |

ANDREWS

page 274 | Location 3008-3013 |

In church, and state, and social life, the real parties are the Progressionists and the Retrogressionists—those whose most brilliant imaginings are linked with the future, and those whose sweetest remembrances bind them in tender associations to the past. Catholic and Protestant, Whig and Democrat, Anti-Socialist and Socialist, are terms which, in their origin, correspond to this generic division; but no sooner does a new classification take place than the parties thus formed are again subdivided, on either hand, by the ever-permeating tendency, on the one side toward freedom, emancipation, and progress, and toward law, and order, and immobility on the other.

Your Note on page 277 | Location 3035 |

ANDREWS

page 276 | Location 3030-3035 |

the association of Perfectionists, at Oneida, who hold and practice, and justify by the Scriptures, as a religious dogma, what they denominate complex marriage, or the freedom of love. We have, in this State, stringent laws against adultery and fornication; but laws of that sort fall powerless, in America, before the all-pervading sentiment of Protestantism, which vindicates the freedom of conscience to all persons and in all things, provided the consequences fall upon the parties themselves. Hence the Oneida Perfectionists live undisturbed and respected, in the heart of the State of New York, and in the face of the world; and

Your Note on page 280 | Location 3056 |

orly?

page 280 | Location 3055-3056 |

Your Note on page 280 | Location 3059 |

orly?

page 280 | Location 3055-3059 |

Until the lands of America are appropriated by a few, population becomes dense, competition among laborers active, employment uncertain, and wages low, the personal liberty of all the whites will continue to be a blessing. We have vast unsettled territories; population may cease to increase, or increase slowly, as in most countries, and many centuries may elapse before the question will be practically suggested, whether slavery to capital be preferable to slavery to human masters. But the negro has neither energy nor enterprise, and, even in our sparser population, finds, with his improvident habits, that his liberty is a curse to himself, and a greater curse to the society around him.

page 282 | Location 3064-3067 |

To insist that a status of society, which has been almost universal, and which is expressly and continually justified by Holy Writ, is its natural, normal, and necessary status, under the ordinary circumstances, is on its face a plausible and probable proposition. To insist on less, is to yield our cause, and to give up our religion; for if white slavery be morally wrong, be a violation of natural rights, the Bible cannot be true.

page 282 | Location 3069-3073 |

In very many nations of antiquity, and in some of modern times, the law has permitted the native citizens to become slaves to each other. But few take advantage of such laws; and the infrequency of the practice, establishes the general truth that master and slave should be of different national descent. In some respects, the wider the difference the better, as the slave will feel less mortified by his position. In other respects, it may be that too wide a difference hardens the hearts and brutalizes the feelings of both master and slave.

page 284 | Location 3079-3083 |

There is no philanthropic crusade attempting to set free the white slaves of Eastern Europe and of Asia. The world, then, is prepared for the defence of slavery in the abstract—it is prejudiced only against negro slavery. These prejudices were in their origin well founded. The Slave Trade, the horrors of the Middle Passage, and West India slavery, were enough to rouse the most torpid philanthropy. But our Southern slavery has become a benign and protective institution, and our negroes are confessedly better off than any free laboring population in the world.

page 286 | Location 3085-3087 |

The aversion to negroes, the antipathy of race, is much greater at the North than at the South; and it is very probable that this antipathy to the person of the negro, is confounded with or generates hatred of the institution with which he is usually connected. Hatred to slavery is very generally little more than hatred of negroes.

page 288 | Location 3091-3092 |

almost all negroes require masters, whilst only the children, the women, the very weak, poor, and ignorant, &c., among the whites, need some protective and governing relation of this kind;

page 288 | Location 3093-3102 |

The African slave trade to America commenced three centuries and a half since. By the time of the American Revolution, the supply of slaves had exceeded the demand for slave labor, and the slaveholders, to get rid of a burden, and to prevent the increase of a nuisance, became violent opponents of the slave trade, and many of them abolitionists. New England, Bristol, and Liverpool, who reaped the profits of the trade, without suffering from the nuisance, stood out for a long time against its abolition. Finally, laws and treaties were made, and fleets fitted out to abolish it; and after a while, the slaves of most of South America, of the West Indies, and of Mexico were liberated. In the meantime, cotton, rice, sugar, coffee, tobacco, and other products of slave labor, came into universal use as necessaries of life. The population of Western Europe, sustained and stimulated by those products, was trebled, and that of the North increased tenfold. The products of slave labor became scarce and dear, and famines frequent. Now, it is obvious, that to emancipate all the negroes would be to starve Western Europe and our North. Not to extend and increase negro slavery, pari passu, with the extension and multiplication of free society, will produce much suffering.

Your Note on page 290 | Location 3103 |

and yet it’s the capitalists who underpay labor? hmm….

page 290 | Location 3103-3103 |

abundant and cheap

page 290 | Location 3109-3110 |

Capital supports and protects the domestic slave; taxes, oppresses and persecutes the free laborer.

page 294 | Location 3120-3120 |

“strength of weakness,”

Your Note on page 296 | Location 3132 |

orly?

page 296 | Location 3131-3132 |

It is an invariable law of nature, that weakness and dependence are elements of strength, and generally sufficiently limit that universal despotism, observable throughout human and animal nature.

page 296 | Location 3134-3137 |

Human law cannot beget benevolence, affection, maternal and paternal love; nor can it supply their places: but it may, by breaking up the ordinary relations of human beings, stop and disturb the current of these finer feelings of our nature. It may abolish slavery; but it can never create between the capitalist and the laborer, between the employer and employed, the kind and affectionate relations that usually exist between master and slave.

Your Note on page 304 | Location 3169 |

SMITH

page 304 | Location 3167-3169 |

there can be no vested rights against original and natural rights. No claim of a part of the human family to the while earth can be valid against the claim of the whole human family to it. No passing of papers or parchments in former generations can foreclose the rights of the present generation.

page 318 | Location 3228-3230 |

Many thousand as have been of late years the social experiments attempting to practice community of property, of wives, children, &c., and numerous as the books inculcating and approving such practices, yet the existence and growth of Mormonism is of itself stronger evidence than all other of the tendency of modern free society towards No-Government and Free Love.

page 320 | Location 3244-3247 |

the doctrines so prevalent with Abolitionists and Socialists, of Free Love and Free Lands, Free Churches, Free Women and Free Negroes—of No-Marriage, No-Religion, No-Private Property, No-Law and No-Government, are legitimate deductions, if not obvious corollaries from the leading and distinctive axiom of political economy—Laissez Faire, or let alone.

Your Note on page 326 | Location 3268 |

orly?

page 326 | Location 3267-3268 |

Severe disciplinarians are the best officers, teachers, parents, and masters, and most revered and loved by their subordinates.

page 328 | Location 3277-3278 |

Christian morality is the natural morality in slave society, and slave society is the only natural society.

page 330 | Location 3283-3284 |

We are no theologian; but do know from history and observation that wealthy men who are sincere and devout Christians in free society, feel at a loss what to do with their wealth, so as not to make it an instrument of oppression and wrong.

page 332 | Location 3298-3302 |

Our slaves till the land, do the coarse and hard labor on our roads and canals, sweep our streets, cook our food, brush our boots, wait on our tables, hold our horses, do all hard work, and fill all menial offices. Your freemen at the North do the same work and fill the same offices. The only difference is, we love our slaves, and we are ready to defend, assist and protect them; you hate and fear your white servants, and never fail, as a moral duty, to screw down their wages to the lowest, and to starve their families, if possible, as evidence of your thrift, economy and management—the only English and Yankee virtues.

page 336 | Location 3309-3311 |

page 336 | Location 3309-3312 |

Cut off England and New England from the South American, East and West India and our markets, from which to buy their food, and in which to sell their manufactures, and they would starve at once. You live by our slave labor. It elevates your whites as well as ours, by confining them, in a great degree, to skillful, well-paying, light and intellectual employments—and it feeds and clothes them.

Your Note on page 338 | Location 3315 |

you mean like the privately owned slave?

page 338 | Location 3315-3315 |

PRIVATE PROPERTY DESTROYS LIBERTY AND EQUALITY.

page 340 | Location 3328-3329 |

Slavery is a form of communism, and as the Abolitionists and Socialists have resolved to adopt a new social system, we recommend it to their consideration.

page 342 | Location 3340-3341 |

Set your miscalled free laborers actually free, by giving them enough property or capital to live on, and then call on us at the South to free our negroes.

Your Note on page 348 | Location 3361 |

ERA

page 348 | Location 3360-3361 |

We believe that the human intellect will never, with the light of the Gospel to guide and inspire its efforts, surrender to the cold and heartless reign of capital over labor.

page 356 | Location 3396-3396 |

bathos

page 358 | Location 3402-3406 |

Mormonism is only a monster development of the isms. They are all essentially alike, and that the most successful, because, so far, it has been socialism—plus the overseer. The mantle of Joe Smith descended on Brigham Young, and if he transmit to a true prophet, there is no telling how long the thing may work. Mormonism had its birth in Western New York, that land fertile of isms—where also arose Spiritual Rappings and Oneida Perfectionism—where Shakers, and Millenarians, and Millerites abound, and all heresies do most flourish.

page 358 | Location 3410-3413 |

We saw last year an advertisement, under the hammer, of the last of fourteen phalansteries, established at the North on the Greely-Fourierite plan. The Shakers do better; but Mr. S. P. Andrews, who is an expert, informs us that they, like the Mormons, have a despotic head. Socialism, with such despotic head, approaches very near to Southern slavery, and gets along very well so long as the despot lives.

page 360 | Location 3418-3418 |

any philosopher is a humbug,)

Your Note on page 360 | Location 3418 |

treason of an intellectual

page 360 | Location 3418-3418 |

any philosopher is a humbug,)

page 366 | Location 3440-3444 |

page 366 | Location 3440-3446 |

The Abolitionists will probably succeed in dissolving the Union, in involving us in civil and fratricidal war, and in cutting off the North from its necessary supply of food and clothing; but they should recollect that whilst they are engaged in this labor of love, Northern and English merchants are rapidly extending and increasing slavery, by opening daily new markets for the purchase and sale of Coolies, apprentices and Africans. The foreign slave trade is not necessary for the supply of the slave markets. The increase of the present slaves, if humanely treated, would suffice to meet that demand. But Africans and Coolies cost less than the rearing of slaves in America, and the trade in them, whenever carried on, induces masters to work their old slaves to death and buy new ones from abroad.

Your Note on page 366 | Location 3446 |

work to death huh? love their slaves huh? !!

page 378 | Location 3489-3490 |

The only income possibly resulting from capital, is the result of the property which capital bestows on its owners, in the labor of other people.

Your Note on page 388 | Location 3539 |

indulge in the trifling at the proper time

page 388 | Location 3539-3539 |

“Desipere in loco”

page 392 | Location 3552-3554 |

Society requires it of the rich to live according to their income, to fare sumptuously, to have costly dress, furniture, equipage, houses, &c., and to keep many servants. Their incomes are spent in luxuries, and thousands of laborers are taken off from the production of necessaries to produce those luxuries, or to wait on their owners.

Your Note on page 396 | Location 3564 |

orly?

page 394 | Location 3560-3564 |

Four-fifths of the private wealth of England, and half of that of our Northeast, is a severe tax on labor, and a constant preventive of the accumulation of national wealth. Private wealth at the South consists chiefly in negro laborers, and improvements of land, that increase its productive capacities. Fine enclosures, improved stock, good granaries, and machines and implements for farming, comfortable negro cabins, good orchards, &c., are as strictly a part of national, as of individual wealth. Not so with the costly private dwellings in our Northern cities.

page 398 | Location 3572-3574 |

We do not agree with the authors of the Declaration of Independence, that governments “derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.” The women, the children, the negroes, and but few of the non-property holders were consulted, or consented to the Revolution, or the governments that ensued from its success.

Your Note on page 398 | Location 3578 |

and yet in the most stable families children do learn to give consent of authority to their parents. in modern times, a strict disciplinarian is liable to be revolted against quite extremely if the children view hir as illegitimate.

page 398 | Location 3575-3578 |

All governments must originate in force, and be continued by force. The very term, government, implies that it is carried on against the consent of the governed. Fathers do not derive their authority, as heads of families, from the consent of wife and children, nor do they govern their families by their consent. They never take the vote of the family as to the labors to be performed, the moneys to be expended, or as to anything else.

page 402 | Location 3597-3599 |

Immediate interest is all the mass look to; and they would be sure to revolutionize government, as often as the situation of the majority was worse than that of the minority. Divide all property to-day, and a year hence the inequalities of property would provoke a re-division.

page 404 | Location 3600-3602 |

In the South, the interest of the governing class is eminently conservative, and the South is fast becoming the most conservative of nations. Already, at the North, government vibrates and oscillates between Radicalism and Conservatism; at present, Radicalism or Black Republicanism is in the ascendant.

Your Note on page 406 | Location 3608 |

…

page 404 | Location 3607-3608 |

We think that by a kind of alliance, offensive and defensive, with the South, Northern Conservatism may now arrest and turn back the tide of Radicalism and Agrarianism.

Your Note on page 406 | Location 3613 |

…

page 406 | Location 3610-3613 |

The Greek and Roman masters were thus situated; so were the old Barons of England, and so are the white citizens of the South. If not all masters, like Greek and Roman citizens, they all belong to the master race, have exclusive rights and privileges of citizenship, and an interest not to see this right of citizenship extended, disturbed, and rendered worthless and contemptible.

Your Note on Location 3621 |

treason of an intellectual, and yet (of course) …

Location 3620-3621 |

We think speculations as to constructing governments are little worth; for all government is the gradual accretion of Nature, time and circumstances.

Your Note on page 406 | Location 3608 |

… 1

Your Note on page 406 | Location 3613 |

… 2

Your Note on Location 3632 |

treason of an intellectual

Location 3632-3633 |

the masses require more of protection, and the masses and philosophers equally require more of control.

Location 3637-3638 |

The element of force exists probably in too small a degree in our Federal Government. It has neither territory nor subjects. Kansas is better off; for she has a few citizens and a large and fertile territory. She is backing the Government out, if not whipping her.

Location 3652-3653 |

More of despotic discretion, and less of Law, is what the world wants.

Location 3652-3653 |

More of despotic discretion, and less of Law, is what the world wants. We take our leave by saying, “There is too much of Law and too little of Government in this world.”

Location 3693-3693 |

vraisemblance

Your Note on Location 3708 |

high treason of an intellectual

Location 3706-3708 |

the physique of a book is quite as important as its metaphysique—the outside as the inside. Figure, size, proportion, are all to be consulted: for books are now used quite as much for centre table ornaments as for reading. We have a marble one on our centre table that answers the former purpose admirably, because nobody can put puzzling questions about its contents.

Location 3713-3718 |

We warn the North, that every one of the leading Abolitionists is agitating the negro slavery question merely as a means to attain ulterior ends, and those ends nearer home. They would not spend so much time and money for the mere sake of the negro or his master, about whom they care little. But they know that men once fairly committed to negro slavery agitation—once committed to the sweeping principle, “that man being a moral agent, accountable to God for his actions, should not have those actions controlled and directed by the will of another,” are, in effect, committed to Socialism and Communism, to the most ultra doctrines of Garrison, Goodell, Smith and Andrews—to no private property, no church, no law, no government,—to free love, free lands, free women and free churches.

Location 3720-3720 |

Socialism, not Abolition, is the real object of Black Republicanism.

Location 3720-3721 |

Socialism, not Abolition, is the real object of Black Republicanism. The North, not the South, the true battle-ground.

Location 3729-3731 |

We (for we are a Socialist) agree with Mr. Carlyle, that the action of free society must be reversed. That, instead of relaxing more and more the bonds that bind man to man, you must screw them up more closely. That, instead of no government, you must have more government.

Location 3734-3737 |

The Democratic party, purged of its radicalism and largely recruited from the ranks of the old line Whigs, has become eminently and actively conservative. It is the antipodes of the Democratic party of the days of Jefferson, in the grounds which it occupies and the opinions which it holds, (what it professes to hold is another thing.)

Location 3769-3769 |

The worst institutions that ever grew up in any country are better than the best that philosophers or philanthropists ever devised.

Your Note on Location 3769 |

treason…

Location 3769-3769 |

The worst institutions that ever grew up in any country are better than the best that philosophers or philanthropists ever devised.

Your Note on Location 3803 |

fiat experimentum in corpore vili: let experiment be made on a worthless body

Location 3803-3803 |

“experimentum in vile corpus!”